The INTS Party

Sunday Night Journal โ€” June 19, 2011

A few weeks ago I was having lunch with some relatives whom I donโ€™t see very often. The conversation turned to politics, and as has been my habit for a good while now when people are discussing politics, I listened but didnโ€™t speak. Eventually someone noticed this.

โ€œSo what do you think, Mac? Didnโ€™t you used to be into…causes and all that?โ€

I took the opportunity to make the first announcement of my plan to form a new political party. I call it the INTS Party: Itโ€™s Not That Simple. You may consider this post the public announcement. Anyone is welcome to join this party; the only requirement for membership is affirmation that the namesake statement applies to almost all political positions and debates and programs as presently shouted at us: whether they are on the right or the left or somewhere between or altogether outside, most of them most of the time take a complex situation or decision and oversimplify it. Normally the result is a few sound bites and slogans that are intended to make any disagreement untenable by portraying it as insane or immoral or, preferably, both. Since everyone is doing this, the result is a lot of bullying and yelling by people who have no intention of making an effort to understand how anyone can see things differently.

Since I classify myself in a broad way as a conservative and tend to sympathize more with the right than the left, most of the examples that come immediately to my mind are cases like the current controversy over Medicare, in which the Democrats seem to have decided that their chief debating tactic will be to accuse the Republicans of planning to kill old people. But it certainly works both ways. Just the other day John McCain labeled anyone who questions our military action in Libya as โ€œisolationist,โ€ a word that has become almost completely meaningless. That most people on both sides of most questions may simply want what is best for the country, but have different ideas about how to reach that goal, is not an allowable admission. (The underlying disagreement is often over the definition of “best,” but that’s another discussion.)

Perhaps what Iโ€™m really objecting to is not so much the proposal of over-simplified policies as the reduction of the debate to over-simplificationโ€”hostile over-simplification. (There are a few pundits who donโ€™t do thisโ€”Ramesh Ponnuru and Jim Manzi of National Review, for instance, and Iโ€™m sure they have their counterparts on the left. But they are not much listened to.) It certainly cannot be said that a policy such as Obamacare is simple. Its complexity is in fact one of the objections to it. But both it and many of the objections to itโ€”not all, but manyโ€”rest on a simplistic assumption that the health care problem can be โ€œsolvedโ€ in some magic way that will be socially, fiscally, and medically sound without some serious sacrifice on someoneโ€™s part. I feel perfectly confident in saying that it cannot be.

At bottom Iโ€™m relatively uninterested in politics. I do care, and I do pay a modest amount of attention, and I do have my opinions, but politics is simply not anywhere near the top of the list of things Iโ€™m interested in. This was the case even in my left-wing days; I always thought people who expected to transform society through politics were at best very naรฏve. (One could argue that to a great extent they did succeed in transforming society, but it was less by means of politics than by reshaping cultural habits and presuppositions.)

My move away from the left originated in this realization that things are not so simple, and I can say with some accuracy exactly when that movement began. In the early 1970s I knew two married couples who lived across the street from each other. Each had a new baby, their first child. Neither wife held an outside job. One husband worked as a retail clerk making two dollars an hour. The other worked as a welder making three dollars an hour. You can see where this is going: yes, it was the welderโ€™s household which an observer would have considered poor in comparison to the clerkโ€™s; it was the welderโ€™s wife who occasionally borrowed money from the clerkโ€™s wife to buy milk for the baby. The reason for the disparity was that the welder spent so much of his pay on marijuana and beer. Hmm, thought I. Itโ€™s not that simple.

That was one of my first steps away from the left. A few years earlier I would have subscribed to an idea that I havenโ€™t heard of for some time: the guaranteed annual income, in which every citizen would be given a certain amount of money every year, whether he worked or not, and so the problem of poverty would be solved. But this experience gave me some insight into the mess ordinary human failings would inevitably make of that scheme. This sort of observation, in which the liberal-left picture of reality was compared to the evidence of my own eyes and came up wanting, was repeated more times than I can count. The result, by the end of the 1970s, was what I call a generally conservative view, but for me this means a recognition of the limits of politics and programs. (I know of people who made a similar transition from youthful right-wing zealotry to something more cautious and balanced.) It certainly does not mean the adoption of an equal-and-opposite-to-liberalism ideology. It is, in the practical sphere, empiricist and pragmatic: what is actually the case? And what is likely to be the result of any action? Good motives are not enough. Even good principles are necessary but not sufficient, because they may be misapplied as readily as bad ones.

(Possibly the greatest and most tragic failure of liberal hopes in my lifetime has been the end of legal segregation; the disaster that has befallen the black family since then, and the huge percentage of young black men who are in jail or otherwise under the loving care of the criminal justice system, oblige one to say that at the very least things have not turned out anything like as well as expected. And what are the reasons for the failure? Well, to any single explanation I would have to say itโ€™s not that simple.)

It may be that practical politics has to operate in this either/or mode of false dichotomies and poisoned wells, or at least politics in a democracy, or at least politics in a democracy in which marketing is all. Well, so be it: thatโ€™s why Iโ€™m not in politics. As one with no more power than resides in a single vote, I have the luxury of being able to look at both sides of any question and come to a conclusion that does not fit on anyoneโ€™s bumper sticker.

It occurs to me that Itโ€™s Not That Simple would make a good bumper sticker.

By the way, my announcement was well received by my relatives. Perhaps thereโ€™s a constituency for the party.

27 responses to “The INTS Party”

  1. Can’t you figure out some way to make it the ENTS party?
    AMDG

  2. Well, they’re pronounced the same (if you live in the South).
    “Everything’s Not That Simple” doesn’t quite make sense, unfortunately.

  3. It’s makes sense if you live in the South.
    AMDG

  4. “Everything’s Not That Simple, So don’t be hasty”

  5. Exactly.

  6. I definitely applaud the spirit of the change, but I’m hung up on the grammar: it seems to point to one thing which is simple, while everything else is not.

  7. You are certainly adhering to the platform of your party. ๐Ÿ˜‰
    AMDG

  8. Louise

    most of them most of the time take a complex situation or decision and oversimplify it.
    Most modern people do this with most things, it seems to me. (Although… maybe it’s not that simple!)

  9. Well, I’m sure it’s just human nature to a great extent, but in current circumstances it gets amplified and broadcast, and there’s a deliberate effort to get people worked up emotionally.
    Janet: yes, it’s a compulsion.:-)

  10. “(Possibly the greatest and most tragic failure of liberal hopes in my lifetime has been the end of legal segregation; the disaster that has befallen the black family since then, and the huge percentage of young black men who are in jail or otherwise under the loving care of the criminal justice system, oblige one to say that at the very least things have not turned out anything like as well as expected. And what are the reasons for the failure? Well, to any single explanation I would have to say itโ€™s not that simple”
    I wouldn’t characterize this as a failure of liberal hopes. Liberal hopes were that segregation would end, which it did. You don’t present any proof (and I’m unaware of any) that the present state of black families is a result of, or linked in any way to, the end of segregation. The last thirty years have been disastrous for family life in general, regardless of color. The fact that the breakdown in families occurred subsequent to desegregation doesn’t necessarily mean there is any connection between them. My car wouldn’t start on two subsequent Fridays, but that doesn’t mean that Fridays cause my car not to start.

  11. Liberal hopes were considerably broader than that. The end of segregation was expected to usher in an era of harmony when race would no longer matter. Obviously that didn’t happen. It’s debatable, at least, that we’re less race-conscious now than we were 50 years ago, though quite obviously there is less direct racial injustice, and, equally obviously, that’s a good thing.
    I didn’t intend to suggest a causal connection between the end of segregation and the problems of the black family. I don’t think you can pin any of this stuff clearly on a single cause. My point was just that the bright hopes didn’t materialize.

  12. I think Alex is correct here. Family relations, compared to what they were in 1958, are a ruin on both sides of the color bar. They were weaker (at the point of origin) among blacks and are weaker today, but the social catastrophe in between was of similar magnitude for each subpopulation.

  13. Right about what? I never said the end of segregation caused the decline of the black family.

  14. No, but you did say:
    Possibly the greatest and most tragic failure of liberal hopes in my lifetime has been the end of legal segregation; the disaster that has befallen the black family since then, and the huge percentage of young black men who are in jail…
    The sequence of the sentence implies or at least leads one in a causal direction to what you say about the family. Like if I said, “I left my bike outside unlocked last night. My bike was stolen.”
    Of course I haven’t said anything about when or from where my bike was stolen, but I think most readers would conclude, at least initially, that it was stolen last night from the place at which I’d left it unchained.

  15. “The sequence of the sentence implies or at least leads one in a causal direction to what you say about the family…”
    I’m slightly surprised to hear you, as a scientist, say that–I would not have expected you to infer a statement of causation where it’s not explicitly stated. But anyway, ok, granting that the sentence is ambiguous, I clarified it in reply to Alex, saying explicitly that I didn’t mean that. So I’m still wondering where Alex is right and I’m wrong. Whether or not the post-segregation racial situation represents “a failure of liberal hopes”? Matter of opinion, I suppose, but it seems obvious to me that it does.

  16. I didn’t say I thought causation should be inferred from what you said (nor did I infer it myself), only that what you said leads one in that direction. I think my bike example illustrates what I meant.
    Another way to say it is that it’s misleading to string statements together in that way, as readers can infer causation where it’s not intended. [I’m not saying you did it on purpose of course, I’m just trying to explain what I think happened.] Your clarification in the comments resolved that issue, but you can see why at least Alex responded the way he did.
    As to whether you’re right about the liberal hopes thing…my own view would be that it’s still too early to tell, but insofar as “liberal hopes” were for the ~30 years following desegregation, and insofar as the policies were actually followed, I would agree with you. But I’ve always thought it a little too-optimistic to think that things like that could change in just two generations (right? or 3? how does one count generations?). It always seemed like such a deep change would take far longer.

  17. Matter of opinion, I suppose, but it seems obvious to me that it does.
    It does, I suspect for several reasons.
    1. It was a common opinion at the time that the distinction across the color bar manifest in social indicators was entirely a function of external impositions and would disappear when those impositions were removed.
    2. It was later a common opinion that such distinctions could be erased through assiduous application of social work and public funds.
    3. What John Rawls called the ‘system of natural liberty’ – equal liberty conjoined to careers-open-to-talents (what people in this country consider by default to be just) has in practice been found to be something abrasive by the bourgeois minority in the black population, or at least abrasive to that portion that is politically vociferous. The culture of complaint among that social stratum is a challenge to the educational apparat, the human resources apparat, the public interest bar, and politicians within the Democratic Party, leading to a repair in thought and practice to either point #1 or point #2.
    4. Because point #1 and point #2 are false to the reality of our social world, race relations in certain circles is characterized by a treadmill of resentment, artifice, frustration, and malice directed at third parties. This is injurious to the people involved and to the institutions over which they preside.
    5. People who accomplish things which actually improve (or seek to improve) the mundane quality of life of the black population are an embarrassment to the folks engaged in the rancid psychodramas delineated above, because their premises are quite different. They are got rid of (Michelle Rhee) or their accomplishements are sophistically belittled (Rudolph Giuliani).

  18. I don’t have time to add much to this discussion now. I think I’m mostly in agreement with what you said, Art, with the proviso that these pathologies (“rancid psychodramas”–heh) are not the whole picture.
    I think about the whole race situation quite a lot and could say a lot, but usually don’t want to say a little, because it would leave out too much. I’ve actually toyed with writing a book about it but I don’t think I ever will. I’ll say this: part of the fact that our racial problems are Not That Simple is that Europeans and Africans are more different than a lot of people wanted to believe 50 years ago (or now, for that matter).

  19. One also must take into consideration the fact that desegregation was imposed by force; it did not occur organically and neither was it just sort of nudged along. A good end doesn’t retroactively sanctify bad means; if the means were questionable you’ll still have to deal with their fallout, no matter how good the end was.

  20. I think if you were speaking of attempts at integrating public schools, which were initiatives of the judiciary and undertaken quite ham-handedly outside the South (and sometimes within it), you would have a point.
    Segregation was a requirement of the commercial and transportation law of the Southern states and on occasion enforced in the teeth of conflicting federal statutes (e.g. in the realm of interstate bus service). It was an imposition and one that imposed costs on business (which is why it was resisted by some common carriers in the post-bellum period). These practices evaporated as soon as the law changed. That strongly suggests that Southern merchants did not wish to be bothered to segment their clientele if the law and competitive pressure did not require it. The contrast between this and what was going on in schooling or in real estate could not be starker.

  21. I don’t necessarily think the use of force to end segregation was wrong. Broadly speaking, I think the argument that it was a fundamental denial of constitutional rights and therefore not permissible was strong. And I don’t think most of the South would ever have willingly given it up, or at least not for a very long time. On the other hand, the argument that some aspects of federal civil rights legislation took the “interstate commerce” argument to unjustifiable lengths also had merit.
    But setting that aside: to me the great mistake–I’m tempted to say the fatal mistake–was not the forced end of segregation, but affirmative action–the disastrous bridge too far. It immediately negated the noble ideal of doing away altogether with racial consciousness in the law, putting it right back in. It was certain to poison the whole effort, and it did.
    Oh, by the way, going back to the question of whether I implied that desegregation caused the decline of the black family: Jesse’s bicycle analogy caused me to think of a different one. “I planned to ride my bike to work, but one of the tires was flat.” That’s a much closer analogy to what I had in mind with the original observation, and why I was surprised when it was read as suggesting causation.

  22. I think the argument that it was a fundamental denial of constitutional rights and therefore not permissible was strong
    I think you could make that argument about negro disfranchisement or the operations of the South’s compromised police and courts. When you come to the question of whether the Southern states could use their general police power to regulate retail trade in a certain way, I think you might be on thin ice. Bad policy is not necessarily unconstitutional policy.

  23. That’s more or less what I meant in referring to the i.c. argument, if I understand you. If my memory is correct–I was a teenager at the time and this is the sort of thing I remember hearing at the time–the justification for including the desegregation of restaurants etc. was based on the i.c. clause. I seem to remember my very fair-minded civics teacher questioning whether that was intellectually tenable, and whether it didn’t pose the possibility of the federal government controlling anything it took a notion to control. Which makes me think immediately of Pelosi’s “are you kidding?!?” response to the question of whether Obamacare is constitutional.

  24. Yes, what I had in mind was not the concept but the “ham-handed” way in which it was sometimes implemented.

  25. Little doubt the use of the commerce clause to justify the 1964 act was largely nonsense, though if I understand correctly the case law used to justify that was issued the better part of a generation earlier and toward different ends. And, yes, defining ‘interstate commerce’ to include just about anything has had serious political costs. That sort of legislation is also coercive and violates old principles of freedom of contract. That is all a different question than the one of whether Southern legislatures were violating the federal constitution or violating principles of freedom of contract in their own constitutions in prescribing segregation in retail trade occurring within their boundaries. (Whereas in making use of violence, intimidation, and chicanery to prevent black citizens from voting, they certainly were violating the federal constitution).
    I’m tempted to say the fatal mistake–was not the forced end of segregation, but affirmative action–the disastrous bridge too far. It immediately negated the noble ideal
    It is not a disaster. It does inject malignancies into contemporary life that are difficult to excise. Ethnic groups vary in their mean income levels, in their performance on various sorts of examinations, in the balance within them between social strata, &c. For the most part, people do not bother too much about it, but a critical mass of blacks in salaried occupations do (which they might not have in 1955). More saliently, there are people in the education and social work apparat and in the Democratic Party’s legislative caucuses who would lose much of their raison d’etre if you took their cloying and obsessive-compulsive social engineering projects away from them. :
    So you get two problems:
    1. The middle-aged man who asks himself if he is a valuable as his paper accomplishments would suggest cannot readily give you (or himself) an honest answer. What accomplishments he does have are to some extent ‘socialized’ and partially attributed to patronage brokers.
    2. We have contrived an enormously costly and bloated system of higher education as gatekeeper and signaling device in the labor market, in part because case law and administrative regulation have effectively eliminated occupational examinations in the private sector (and corrupted the process in the public sector).

  26. I’ll say this: part of the fact that our racial problems are Not That Simple is that Europeans and Africans are more different than a lot of people wanted to believe 50 years ago
    People in this country are alike enough. The thing is, blacks are (for the most part) a wage-earning population with their own mean preferences, priorities, and fish to fry. They are not playdough in the hands of the likes of Arthur Garrity or Lee Bollinger and are injured as much as aided by being on the patronage of elite twits.
    My memory has gone bad on this point, but I think if you hunt down some of commentary offered 50 years ago by Flannery O’Connor, Robert Penn Warren, James J. Kilpatrick, and William Workman, you will see there was a strand of opinion that did anticipate some of our current problems.

  27. I think it’s a disaster to have put racial classifications and mandates for treating people differently based on those classifications into law. It institutionalizes our divisions, apparently forever, as no sizable number of politicians is going to endure the charges of racism that come with any attempt to do away with it. I don’t think the immediate practical consequences have been a disaster thus far–I’d say they’ve been mixed. But in the long run it’s toxic.

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